Categories
Literary

Jewish-Arab Coexistence and the Lost Cosmopolitanism

In André Aciman’s 1994 memoir Out of Egypt, he recounts the first meeting of his two grandmothers in an Alexandria, Egypt fish market. They two women discover they are both of Italian ancestry, by way of Ottoman Turkey, and as they talk further, “it suddenly occurred to them that of the six or seven languages they each spoke fluently, neither knew the name for mullet except in Ladino.”

This minor anecdote illustrates the extraordinary cosmopolitanism of Alexandria in the mid-20th Century. Aciman’s family was Jewish and had been in Egypt since the early 1900s, where they spoke French, which was the lingua franca of the upper-strata European community, who formed the commercial and trading backbone of the city, and were of British, Italian, Armenian, Greek, French or Jewish extraction.

When the U.N. recognized the state of Israel in 1948, there were approximately 80,000 Jews living in Egypt, primarily in Cairo and Alexandria. Jews in Egypt were part of a continuous community that went back over 2,000 years, predating the advent of Islam by seven centuries. This was also true for a number of Arab-majority countries prior to 1948. At the end of World War II, 130,000 Jews lived in Iraq, some of whom were descended from the Babylonian exile.

Today it seems nearly inconceivable that large Jewish communities could exist and thrive in Arab countries. It wasn’t until the mid-to-late 20th Century that a complex set of events: the rise of Zionism, the Holocaust, Israel’s creation, Arab nationalism, the Six-Day War, Islamic terrorism, the 1979 Iranian revolution, and so on, led us to our current moment.

Historian Avi Shlaim in his new book Three Lives: Memoir of an Arab-Jew, reminds readers that, not so recently, this rigid segregation of Jews and Arabs was not an insoluble fact. “There was a cosmopolitanism and coexistence that some Jews, like my family, enjoyed in Arab countries before 1948” and that these examples offer “a glimmer of hope.”

Avi Shlaim, far left, as a child in Iraq in the late 1940s.

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Coexistence is undoubtedly a rather low bar for human affairs. It does not imply equality between communities, cooperation, and certainly not harmony. But as an alternative to war and inter-communal violence, it is an enviable state-of-affairs, one where people can focus on what matters: getting married, going to school, starting families, pursuing careers, and so on.

For over six centuries (circa 1400 to 1918), the Ottoman Empire ruled over a pluralistic, multi-confessional empire, much of which consisted of Arab lands. Islam was the official religion of the state and Muslims were privileged within it, but Jews and Christians could practice their faith and manage their affairs with some measure of certainty and security.

“The Ottoman approach was wholly pragmatic,” writes historian Andrew Wheatcroft. “Jews and Christians were allowed free practice or their faith, but were required to pay a special tax for their privilege.” This does not imply, however, there were no persecutions. Wheatcroft documents how Jews were sometimes killed when they refused to pay the Janissary soldiers (the Ottoman Pretorian Guard) for “protection,” but these were not systematic or state-sponsored persecutions.

In 1844 the British Consul in Constantinople (now Istanbul) noted that the Muslim population was decreasing, while the “Christian and Jewish populations tend to increase in rapid ratio.” By 1878, the European population in the city had grown to more than 120,000.

It’s worth stating the obvious: the Ottoman Empire was neither a democracy, nor a free society in any sense of the word. It was a Turkish-centric empire with no elections, no independent judiciary, and the state of affairs for women, in particular, was horrendous. There should be no nostalgia for this colonial operation, but the mere fact that in 1900 there were approximately 390,000 Jews in the Ottoman Empire, speaks to a reality that today’s intractability is not the final word in Jewish-Arab relations.

Shlaim writes that the history of Jews in Iraq, for example, was one of largely successful integration and prosperity, “Iraq’s Jews didn’t live in ghettoes nor did they experience the violent repression, persecution, and genocide that marred European history.” Shlaim adds that “of all the Jewish communities in the Ottoman Empire, the one in Mesopotamia (present day Baghdad region), was the most integrated into local society, the most Arabised in the culture and the most prosperous.”

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For the sake of clarity, I should declare that I’m a Zionist and I believe the creation of the state of Israel was right and just, and a logical response, not just to the Holocaust, but centuries of pogroms and antisemitism, from Portugal to Russia. The Zionist project to defend Jewish people, revive the Hebrew language, and forge a national identity from Jews across the diaspora, remains an extraordinary achievement.

I’m also certain that democratic, open societies are our sole bulwark against tyranny and oppression. For this additional reason, Israel remains a critical nation state in a region where strong men and military regimes predominate. But you’d have to be blind or foolish not to understand why the creation of the State of Israel was a disaster for the Arab population, in what was formerly Palestine.

Israeli military and political leader Moshe Dayan.

One thinks of Moshe Dayan’s famous 1956 eulogy for an Israeli murdered by Palestinians, where he acknowledges the source of Arab hatred and why Israelis will need to continually fight. “For eight years they have been sitting in the refugee camps in Gaza, and before their eyes we have been transforming the lands and the villages, where they and their fathers dwelt, into our estate . . . we are a generation that settles the land and without the steel helmet and the canon’s maw, we will not be able to plant a tree and build a home.”

The creation of Israel led, not only to the immediate 1948 War of Independence, and subsequent displacement of Arabs in what is now Israel proper, but to the humiliation of leaders in Egypt, Iraq, Syria, and Jordan as a result of losing the war. To deflect from this failure, Arab governments fomented domestic hatred against their Jewish citizens.

“A powerful popular wave of hostility towards both Israel and the Jews living in their midst swept through the Arab world in the wake of the loss of Palestine, and Iraq was no exception,” writes Shlaim. The Iraqi government passed a law in 1948 making Zionism illegal in the country, and Jewish people were subsequently dismissed from government and private sector jobs.

During the years 1950-51 over 110,00 Jew emigrated to Israel from Iraq, including Shlaim’s family, as life become more difficult for them. Similar factors in Egypt led to an exodus of Jews and other Europeans, though in Egypt’s case, it was more directly linked to the 1956 Suez War and Gamal Abdel Nasser’s Arab nationalism.

Aciman’s family held on for as long as they could. His father owned a successful factory, but one night in 1964, his father received a phone call. He put down the phone, looked at his family and said, “It’s started.”

Aciman writes how this was the beginning of calls “at all hours of the night . . . threatening, obscene, abusive calls . . . reminded us we were nothing, that we had no rights, and would be soon driven out, like the French and British before us.” His family left Egypt soon after.

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“Jewish life in North Africa and the Middle East may not have been perfect, but Jewish people thrived for generations and made countless contributions to their societies in these Muslim-majority regions,” writes U.S. Foreign Service official Jairo Tutillo Maldonado. “This is a history that, if rehabilitated by governments of the region, could potentially rekindle friendships and even a renaissance of historic coexistence.”

The Ahrida Synagogue is the oldest synagogue in Istanbul, founded in 1453.

A multi-ethnic, cosmopolitan Middle East is a possible path out of radicalism and antagonism toward the other. We see today that cities such as Algiers, Alexandria, Baghdad, Amman, are largely homogenous societies, inward-looking and parochial. Without Jewish or Christian residents, without peoples from across the Mediterranean, they have become cities bereft of the kind of dynamism that comes from the meeting of cultures.

The same can be said for parts of Israel, whether in the West Bank or East Jerusalem, where some Arabs have been removed, chased off, or even worse. The Arabic character and history of these places is indisputable, and these regions require vital Arab communities to retain their wholeness.

Aciman writes poignantly of the Jewish residents leaving Egypt in the 1950s and ‘60s. “On them . . . loomed the stigma—even the shame—of the fallen, the ousted, and it came with a strange odor that infallibly gave them away: leather.” He described how every family, knowing they’d eventually have to leave Egypt, usually had “thirty to forty leather suitcases, in which mothers and sisters kept packing their family’s belongs at a slow, meticulous pace, always hoping things might right themselves in the end.”

Aciman’s domestic reference to suitcases made me think—rather inexplicably—of the “coffee spoons” in T.S. Eliot’s “The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock.” It’s a rather unsettling poem, a bit of stark modernist verse, where alienation and death are impossible to ignore despite the rather cozy, domestic details: “coffee spoons,” “taking of toast and a tea,” “I grow old . . . I grow old . . . I shall wear the bottoms of my trousers rolled,” and so on.

It’s been many years since I’ve read the poem and as I re-read the section referencing coffee spoons, I discovered that—as can happen with great poems—it seems to be addressing contemporary events, reflecting and refracting light in an entirely new way.

I can’t help but picture two people, old men perhaps, a Palestinian man in East Jerusalem and his Jewish counterpart in Haifa. They are both standing in their respective kitchens, after yet another difficult sleep. They don’t know one another, and will never meet or become friends . . . for this is impossible. They are world-weary, taciturn, wishing nothing but an end to trouble, but no longer knowing what to do . . . or even what to say:

“For I have known them all already, known them all—

Have known the evenings, mornings, afternoons,

I have measured out my life with coffee spoons;

I know the voices dying with a dying fall

Beneath the music from a farther room.

So how should I presume?”

Robert Fay has written for The Atlantic, The Los Angeles Review of Books and The Chicago Quarterly review.

Categories
History

Defending Mothers: The Algerian Ghosts in Gaza and Israel

Zohra Drif strode into the Milk-Bar in Algiers on a hot September day in 1956. She ordered a milk shake, sat down, and calmly sipped from the straw as she checked and rechecked her wristwatch. The Milk-Bar was the largest ice cream parlor in Algiers, and a favorite stop for French-Algerian families, the pied noirs, who lived in European enclaves under the colonial system of France.

In the Milk-Bar Drif was a “foreign agent” despite being an Arab Algerian. Her country was two years into a war between French authorities and Algerian independence fighters, and as a result, the European quarter was off limits to most Arabs. But Drif, a 21-year-old law student from a prestigious family, had passed through the French checkpoint undetected because she spoke French fluently and sported a European-style summer dress and haircut. The gendarmes could not have known she was a member of the notorious F.L.N., The National Liberation Front, which attacked both military targets and civilians in its war to free Algeria from French rule.

At 6:20pm Drif paid her tab, pushed a beach bag with a bomb under the table, and walked out. The bomb exploded a minute later and just before a second F.L.N. bomb in the Cafétéria, a popular European student hangout across town. The two bombings left three civilians dead and over 50 injured, a number of whom were children.

Zohra Drif in French custody.

“The carnage was particularly appalling in the Milk-Bar,” wrote historian Alistair Horne. “Where the heavy glass covering the walls was shattered into lethal splinters.”

The terrorist attacks on September 30, 1956 were born of a string of setbacks that had convinced F.L.N. leaders they were losing the war. F.L.N. commander Youseff Zighout decided the only option was to declare a total war on all European civilians (along with French pied noirs, they were also European residents of Spanish and Italian origin). Zighout wrote: “To colonialism’s policy of collective repression [author’s italics] we must reply with collective reprisals against the Europeans, military and civil, who are all united behind the crimes committed upon our people. For them, no pity, no quarter.”

The French Overreach

Horne writes that Drif experienced a moment of doubt in the Milk-Bar as she looked at the happy mothers and children after a day at the beach. She was crossing a forbidden boundary, but she steadied herself by thinking of French atrocities. “I was a solider in our national liberation army,” Driff told the BBC News in 2022. “We were at war. European civilians were occupying our country.”

Predictably, the attacks provoked an overwhelming, and disproportionately lethal, French military response. Instead of using police agents to target only F.L.N. terrorists for arrest and/or assassination, the French brought in the elite 10th Para Division of the French Army. The Battle of Algiers began, and with it, a wave of repression, torture, and overreach that would doom the French Fourth Republic and the French rule in Algeria.

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In a 2018 Nation review of Drif’s memoir: Inside the Battle of Algiers: Memoir of a Woman Freedom Fighter, Bill Fletcher Jr. wrote: “The F.L.N. saw their actions as retaliatory violence. But they also saw the settler population as part of the enemy. This conclusion seems neither illogical nor irrational. The overwhelming majority of the pieds-noirs believed in what they called Algérie Française.”

Fletcher’s description is emblematic of the kind of moral confusion we are witnessing in the aftermath of Hamas’ massacre of approximately 1,400, mostly Israeli civilians, in their communities, homes, and cars. You may notice that Fletcher uses a double negative (“neither . . . nor”) to obfuscate what is clearly an affirmation of terrorist logic.

At the risk of stating the obvious, I’ll be quite clear: it is profoundly illogical, not to mention immoral, to deliberately kill civilians because of a conflict with a government and its police, military, judicial, and political system. It’s like cutting down a tree because you hate the rain. It’s a specious argument: no more, no less. There are counter examples of powerless people using non-violent means—the African National Congress in South Africa, The Solidarity Movement in Poland, the civil rights movement in the U.S—to achieve significant political ends.

There have also been armed liberation struggles that justly employed violence against the military targets of an oppressive government or occupying force; Fidel Castro and the July Movement’s guerilla struggle against the Batista regime in Cuba or the American revolution against British rule are examples. There have also been just rebellions, both peaceful and armed—Czechoslovakia and Hungary during the Cold War years—that failed. Revolution, of course, is a high-risk endeavor, and there are no guarantees.

Drif Debates BHL

In a public debate (in French) with Drif in 2012, the writer Bernard-Henri Lévy (BHL), an Algerian-born Frenchman, emphasizes the Algerian war of liberation against the French administration was heroic in many ways, and legitimate in so far as it attacked French military targets, but he remained adamant the Milk-Bar bombing was unjust, and an act of terrorism (the debate is also notable for the emotion and tension in the room. You can see, even 50 years after Algerian independence, terrorism, war, and colonization are still raw issues for both countries).  

I believe that Zohra Drif was a terrorist, despite her status in Algeria today as a heroine of the revolution. She served time in a French-run prison in Algeria, so there has been a small measure of justice in her particular case. Yet she remains unrepentant, locked in the ossified ideologies of a 1950s revolutionary, the sad case of an aging militant still hostage to her youth.

Justice was not done, however, in the many cases of torture and deliberate killing of civilians by the French military, and this is a stain on France and its national reputation.

*

It is dispiriting that sixty years after the Algerian War, violence against civilians is still condoned because of historical injustices or unresolved conflicts.

It is both rational and logical to believe that the Israeli government has a right to protect its citizens, police its borders, and exact justice on Hamas. Palestinians also deserve a normal, sovereign state where they can enjoy the same rights of travel, work, prosperity, etc., as Egyptians, Jordanians, or Israelis for that matter. Palestinian civilians should not be killed or suffer collective punishment because of Hamas terrorism (Hamas using Palestinian civilians as shields, of course, makes this more complex). And if, somehow, you don’t see yourself or your family in either suffering or killed Israeli or Palestinian civilians, you’re either a partisan or numb.

The PA Condemns Hamas

It would be naïve to think there is much common ground, particularly now, between Israelis and Palestinians. But you’d think that the horror at the Hamas massacre could be a starting point. After all, even the Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas condemned the Hamas raid. You see worldwide protests in support of the Palestinian cause that suggest the tragic deaths in Gaza are the same, if not worse, than those in Israel.

It’s hard to convey how infuriating this claim is to Israelis, and the Jewish diaspora in general. Each person’s humanity is of course equal. On a human level, a tragic death is a tragic death, there is no distinction, and the family’s grief is righteous. But when we are talking about a geo-political dispute between state actors and/or a terrorist organization, intention matters when someone dies on a battlefield or a crime scene. There are no equivalencies between Hamas’ actions on Oct. 7 and those of the IDF in Gaza (so far).  

It is right and understandable why Palestinian supporters highlight the civilians dying in Gaza, but it puzzles me why these groups in Europe and North America (where they are free to critique Hamas) can’t simply reject the murderous antisemitism and terror of Hamas: “We Stand for Palestinian Freedom & Condemn Hamas,” is a simple enough message.  

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One of the central cultural figures in the Algerian War was the Nobel Prize winning writer and pied noir Albert Camus. The war presented grave moral and intellectual challenges for him: he was a pied noir, a French celebrity, but also a member of the Parisian intellectual class, which included writers Jean-Paul Satre and Simone de Beauvoir, both of whom supported the F.L.N., seeing them as part of a wider Marxist liberation movement against western colonizers.  

Albert Camus.

Camus genuinely wanted a peaceful resolution of the conflict between Arabs and pied noirs. Camus scholar Robert Zaretsky in VQR wrote that “unlike most pied noirs, Camus held that the credo of French republicanism applied no less to the colonized as the colonizers in Algeria.” In 1955 Camus “feverishly built the case for civilian truce in a series of editorials in the liberal French journal L’Express.” He believed that the opponents in the conflict should sit across from one another “to see and hear their fellow human beings.”

As a native of Algeria, Camus grasped the grim fantasy of both sides in the conflict. It is one that is likely familiar to some Israelis and Palestinians. Camus wrote “the French fact cannot be eliminated in Algeria, and the dream of a sudden disappearance of France is childish.” He also chided the French Algerian desire to “cancel out, silence, and subjugate” nine million Muslims.

The Cost of Independence

The F.L.N., in the end, did succeed in forcibly removing the French from their shores, but at a horrible price. It’s estimated that between 400,000 and 1.5 million Algerians died during the war. And this horror of violence and terrorism stirred up domestic disputes that surfaced in the 1990s in an Algerian civil war that claimed another 150,000 lives.  

One can only imagine what may have emerged if Europeans and Arabs had found a way to live together in a multi-cultural state—independent from France—similar to that of Lebanon before the 1975 civil war or in the city of Alexandria, Egypt, which had a cosmopolitan mix of European and Arab residents until the rise of Islamic nationalism in the early 1960s, forced Europeans to flee the country.

In the end, Camus would alienate nearly everyone with his independent stance on Algeria. His fellow pied noirs scorned his liberalism and his fellow intellectuals, and the liberal establishment in France, broke with him after he rejected F.L.N. terrorism:

“I have always condemned terror. But I must also condemn terrorism that strikes blindy, for example in the streets of Algiers, and which might strike my mother and family. I believe in justice, but I’ll defend my mother before justice.”

Good, basic common sense is needed now more than ever. There is almost nothing the two “sides” can agree on, but let’s agree that men or women who leave bombs in ice cream shops or enter civilians’ homes with rifles and murder them are enemies of civilization, not soldiers or heroes. Let’s agree on this, and see where this narrow pathway of agreement can lead us.

Robert Fay has written for The Atlantic, The Los Angeles Review of Books and The Chicago Quarterly review.

Categories
Literary Essays

The Calvinism in Our Literature

Martin Luther spent the winter of 1522 hiding at Germany’s Watburg Castle. It was a smart move, for he had challenged the Roman Catholic Church’s monopoly on biblical interpretation and the pardoning of sins, and was not likely to receive a Christmas card, or much else in terms of support, from Pope Adrian VI that year.

This rather anxious Augustinian monk wasn’t a conscious saboteur of institutions and norms, he was no Jacobin, but a devout personage, and almost certainly a sufferer of Obsessive Compulsive Disorder by today’s standards. His writings reveal a nagging fixation on whether he was in a state of mortal sin or not (no small matter in 16th Century Germany); in the Catholic tradition, this is a spiritual malaise known as “scrupulosity” and it often afflicts the super-devout, and has included a number of canonized saints throughout the centuries.

Martin Luther: that most famous of OCD suffererers.

We also know that Luther, despite his non-serviam, was not an agent provocateur, because he was appalled at the subsequent damage and sacrilege committed against Catholic churches and monasteries in his name. A contemporary report catalogs the damage to the Reinhardtsbrunn monastery in Germany: “With sacrilegious hands, the rabid people smashed all twenty three altars, with their precious carvings, sculptures and holy images, because they were objects of Catholic veneration of saints . . . they emptied the holy oil of consecration from its beautiful jug and poured it on the ground.”

In the language of today’s politics, we can say Luther’s “Disputation on the Power and Efficacy of Indulgences,” his so-called “95 Thesis,” had been weaponized, and it wasn’t long before this super-charged reform movement had come to the wilds of North America.

The late conservative historian Samuel P. Huntington believed American national identity was initially formed by Protestant Christianity, something he called “Anglo-Protestant culture.” Huntington designated the early New England settlers, the puritans, as the founders of this culture, and the puritans were nothing, if not strict Calvinists. Historian David Hall writes, “citizens on both sides of the Atlantic believed that the intellectual descendants of Calvin were the founders of colonial America.”

The Calvinists were undoubtedly descendants of Luther’s scrupulosity, but their reductionist version of Christian discipleship, wherein man was entirely polluted by sin, quickly diverged from Luther’s direct line; we can see this divergence in a superficial look at the Christian communities of two contemporaries: J.S. Bach and American theologian and preacher Jonathan Edwards.

The former was a choirmaster in a German Lutheran church whose liturgy and preaching, if observed today, would strike many as nearly indistinguishable from a Roman Catholic church; while Edwards, the Calvinist preacher in Northampton, Mass., served at simple wood-clad churches—though dignified by today’s brutalist standards—that are largely indistinguishable from whitewashed, New England town halls. And when it comes to doctrinal matters, he wasn’t just down on Catholics priests and indulgences, he actually decided human beings were all bad, all the time, and born with perdition as their loadstar, and it was only God’s sympathy for our wretchedness that saved us.

Jonathan Edwards: most likely not a lover of ornamentation in the arts.

One simple way to appreciate how American Calvinism diverged from the Lutheran high-church experience is to listen to Bach’s Mass in B Minor and then read through Edwards’ “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God;” though, for sanity’s sake, perhaps this shouldn’t be done on the same day.

The weaponization of theology was not entirely perfected until a Swiss bible thumber named John Calvin turned German scrupulosity into a war on aesthetic sensibilities, preaching, “. . . the first vice, and as it were, the beginning of evil, was that when Christ ought to have been sought in his Word, sacraments, and spiritual graces, the world, after its custom, delighted in his garments, vests and swaddling clothes; and thus overlooking the principal matter, followed only its accessory.”

Scratch a Calvinist doctrine, and beneath the surface you will find a prudish fear of the sensual life; a horror of ornamentation, fashion—both ecclesiastical and secular—objets d’art, architectural refinement, grape and grain, in other words, some of those very things that make life pleasurable.

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Today, in nearly any American town, you can easily find a church building that has all the sacred mystery of a wholesale auto-parts store or, if you’re lucky, the architectural distinction of a Motel 6. But this anti-aestheticism, this distrust of ornamentation isn’t confined to evangelical churches alone, it’s the trace minerals in our environment, the hammer and saw in our toolboxes. You can find it in Shaker furniture; the architecture of Frank Llyod Wright; the simplicity of the White House; the prose of Ernest Hemingway, Raymond Carver and Lydia Davis; the music of Philip Glass; the paintings of Mark Rothko; examples abound—and these are the best examples of this phenomenon, the examples of individual artists or communities who were not entirely overcome by this Genevan inheritance.

Mr. Ray Carver: he turned so-called minimalist fiction into an orthodoxy for an entire generation of MFA graduates.

And, of course, U.S. history contains a number of distinct artistic movements and artists who entirely rejected puritan restraints; African-American Jazz artists are the preeminent example, but other examples include the paintings of Jackson Pollack and Jean-Michel Basquiat and the prose of Jack Kerouac, all of whom—not coincidentally—were sophisticated Jazz connoisseurs.

I suspect many American novelists today would consider themselves immune to their puritan forbears, because they are secular, or if religious, affiliate themselves with gay-friendly churches or attend Unitarian services; but many writers remain enmeshed in a Calvinist anti-aesthetic, plying their Iowan, wood-shop craft under the delusion of novelty; producing well-plotted, embellishment-free works with all the originality and linguistic panache of a pharmaceutical brochure.

These men and women are undoubtedly earnest, multi-degree bearing citizens with the skill to invent characters and zippy narratives that can both entertain and edify, helping to ensure the book club, hummus and pita crowd, who can, as a result, conclude their busy weeks with the sweet, self-satisfied pride of believing—just by reading a 300-page story about fictional people—that they are now sanctioned empathizers of marginalized peoples everywhere, from Calcutta to Camden, New Jersey.

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Roberto Bolanos’ novel Woes of the True Policeman begins with a character, Oscar Amalfitno, who is familiar to readers of Bolanos’ masterwork 2666. Amalfatino describes a bizarre literary theory developed by his gay lover, Padilla, a hard-scrabble poet from the streets of Barcelona. “According to Padilla . . . all literature could be classified as heterosexual, homosexual or bisexual. Novels, in general, were heterosexual. Poetry, on the other hand, was completely homosexual.” Padilla then goes onto to divide the homosexual category of poets into a number of sub-categories, using various slang terms for gay men, queers, sissies, freaks, and so on, as well as number of additional epithets likely to offend the sensibilities of 2021 America.

Padilla’s theory is, of course, ridiculous. But it is great fun to read his endless digressions on specifically why Pablo Neruda is this type of homosexual poet in his system, while Walt Whiteman is quite another. Bolano has fun with language, stereotypes, the egos of the literati, while casually demonstrating an encyclopedic knowledge of Spanish and Latin American poets.

Novelist Alexander Theroux in a largely-forgotten 1972 essay titled: “Theroux’s Meta phrastes: An Essay on Literature” did not do anything as banal as classifying novelists, but in his acrid condemnation of linguistic skinflints, he did loosely employ the aesthetic and theological tensions between Catholicism and Protestantism to make his point. He wrote: “O let the long-nosed, umbrella carrying joykillers kick the pins out from under metaphor and simile, color and allusion. It was just exactly what that simpering Genevan woodcock, Jack Calvin, tried to do to the Roman Catholic Church, and I for one say poo.”

Alexander Theroux: he’s not impressed by your “sparse prose” style.

And Theroux, a former Trappist monk, who knew his Latin as well as he knew his Baltimore Catechism, remained baffled that American writers continued to maintain an “utter void apparently when it comes to a knowledge of what we have inherited from the beautiful Franco-Latin-English trilingualism of the Norman Period.”

Theroux is a man who sees villains everywhere—one likely reason he is persona non-grata in today’s publishing world—and he nominates Mark Twain as the grandfather of the American “less is more” set. “‘Eschew surplusage,’ snapped Twain, that anti-European, anti-Catholic pinchfist from the American Midwest . . . Rip off that wainscotting! Slubber that gloss! Steam down those thrills!”

There are occasions in American literature where this tension has generated its own creative energy, most spectacularly in the poetry of Robert Lowell. Lowell came from a distinguished family of New England bluebloods with deep Yankee, puritan roots, yet he briefly converted to Catholicism during a critical creative period in his twenties, and the cosmological outlook and aesthetic influence of the Catholic Church never left him. Kay Redfield Jameson, in her recent book on Lowell and his bi-polar disorder, writes how within Lowell “the battle raged between Calvinism—the New England Protestantism that he had known longest and breathed most deeply—and the Catholicism that has an adult he had taken to heart and mind. The clash entered into his work violently and unforgettably in the poems of Lord’s Weary Castle.”

Robert Lowell: the rare American figure who can reconcile the puritan and the Catholic worldviews.

The corrective to the codified, linguistic reductionism within American letters is, of course, that there is no real answer. There is no Union of North American Fiction Writers to issue a memo banning the use of realist/naturalistic/minimalist modes of fiction in American letters, but there are certainly grumblings of discontent. Prominent critic Dusting Illingworth recently wrote of his exhaustion with realistic fiction: “more and more I find the realist novel’s conscription of detail to describe and systematize the external world frictionless, even embarrassing.” And Steven Moore’s new book Alexander Thoreux: A Fan’s Notes, can only be read as a (subtle) plea by one of America’s most important critics to rethink and reabsorb the work of this singular author.

In the end, what seems to be missing is a simple enchantment with language, which brings me rather inexplicably to a most un-American writer, Rabelais, that 16th Century French, a rascally character who is a historical reminder that literature can be fun, raunchy, edifying, linguistically complex, and well, fun. Rabelais is one of Thoreaux’s heroes, and also quite conveniently for my argument, a creature of Catholic culture, albeit a rebellious one, who spent time in two religious orders as a novice, the Franciscan and the Dominicans, before becoming a secular priest, (i.e., not affiliated with a religious order), and did so without permission from the church, while also managing to have two children from an relationship with a lovely widow. Needless to say, he was no choir boy, but this is precisely the point.

The critic and scholar L. Cazamian, in his A History of French Literature, sums up the pure joy of reading Rabelais, which is really the whole point of this essay in fact: “ . . . words—an inexhaustible store of language, learned or popular, national, provincial, dialectical, foreign, with artificial terms thrown in; words, that are to the writer a source of unique joy.” 

Audio Version: You can listen to an audio version of the essay on the Feeling Bookish Podcast.

Robert Fay has written for The Atlantic, The Los Angeles Review of Books and The Chicago Quarterly review.

Categories
Feeling Bookish Podcast

Life, Literature & The Everything Novel

Last year I wrote an essay in 3 Quarks Daily trying to clarify my thoughts on “the total novel” or what I’ve started calling “the everything novel.” This is the land of Joyce, Gaddis, Musil and other giants. I took the essay, entirely reworked the middle and the ending, and recorded it for the Feeling Bookish Podcast as part of our “Audio Essay” series. Take a listen:

Categories
Literary Essays

In Search of the Writer-Diplomat Tradition

Marcel Proust is forever being lost to myth, reduced either to a gossip who chronicled Parisian salons, or even worse, a withdrawn asthmatic overly sentimental for the past. This reduction makes no room for Proust’s admiration for technology or the diplomats and military men who made statecraft and war. Proust adored automobiles and was fascinated by German military aviation, and we find in Proust’s novels countless examples of his passion for military strategy, diplomacy and foreign affairs, which is personified in his character, the diplomat, Monsieur de Norpois.

Proust attended Sciences-Po, which had been founded to educate an elite for France’s civil and diplomatic posts. And though he developed a rich interest in relations between states, in the end, he knew a life of letters was his destiny. Proust biographer Jean-Yves Tadié writes, “The former pupil of the diplomatic section of the Sciences-Po never wanted to be a diplomat; yet he wrote the novel about diplomacy that those novelists who were diplomats—Chateaubriand, Stendhal, Gobineau, Giradoux and Morand—never wrote.”

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The writer-diplomat tradition, though largely ignored in the history of letters, has been critical to the development of many European and Latin American writers. Eight poets with diplomatic experience, including Octavio Paz and Czeslaw Milosz, have won the Nobel Prize for Literature. Tadié references France’s great tradition, which reached its apex in 1937 when 50 percent of the diplomats from the Quai d’Orsay (The French Foreign Ministry) were published authors.

Mexico, among Latin American countries, has the most prestigious tradition with Carolos Fuentes, Paz and Sergio Pitol, a collection of writers so mighty, that one might assume there was a magical current uniting the diplomatic craft and literature.

Ocatvio Paz
Octavio Paz served in the Mexican Foreign Service.

Geoffrey Chaucer was one of the first literary men to practice these dual arts. He worked for the English Royal Service and conducted diplomatic missions on behalf of King Edward III in France, Spain and Italy in the 1360s. Yet I’m tempted to go back even further, to Paul the Apostle, the emissary of the nascent Christian nation—a proto Vatican diplomat if you will—who traveled through present-day Turkey, Syria, Greece and Italy. He recounted his adventures in his famous letters, his epistles, to the young Christian communities.

In his Letter to the Ephesians Paul makes a reference to his vocation, “Pray also for me, that whenever I speak, words may be given me so that I will fearlessly make known the mystery of the gospel, for which I am an ambassador in chains.”

Yet despite this rich history, little has been written on the subject. In biographical treatments, one-night stands and obscure book reviews often get more attention. Pablo Neruda’s biographer Adam Feinstein makes little mention of Neruda’s diplomatic work as a consul in Buenos Aires, among many other places, instead noting, “The eight months Neruda spent in Buenos Aires were ones of intense sexual activity—but not with his wife.”

Pablo Neruda
Pablo Neruda (right) pictured alongside the former Chilean President Salvador Allende.

In the case of Paz, the Nobel committee rightly acknowledged that his time spent in the diplomatic service was essential to his creative output, as well as providing him with leverage to influence—in this case by resigning—the actions of his own government:

“In 1962, Paz was appointed Mexican ambassador to India: an important moment in both the poet’s life and work, as witnessed in various books written during his stay there, especially, The Grammarian Monkey and East Slope. In 1968, however, he resigned from the diplomatic service in protest against the government’s bloodstained suppression of the student demonstrations in Tlatelolco during the Olympic Games in Mexico.”

Part of this neglect can be explained by the informal nature of these positions, particularly before the second world war. William Sommers notes that in 1870 “The Nation magazine complained that the U.S. Minster to Russia ‘spent nearly the whole term in a vain endeavor to be sober enough to be presented to the Emperor.’”

Writers often fill consular positions abroad, where they may advise on cultural matters, and—if they are lucky—avoid the weighty responsibilities thrust on formal ambassadors. Neruda spent years abroad working for the Chilean Foreign Ministry, but his entry into the service was due to informal networking.

In 1927 Neruda “bumped into a friend of the Foreign Minister’s, Manuel Bianchi,” writes Feinstein. “As soon as he heard of Pablo’s wish to go abroad, Bianchi arranged a meeting with the Minister, who handed the poet a list of vacant positions overseas. ‘Choose one,’ he said.” Neruda chose Rangoon. 

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India continues to maintain this venerable tradition, with poet Abhay Kumar serving in recent years as the Indian ambassador to Madagascar and Comoros. Kumar writes, “there are certain commonalities between the role of a poet and diplomat. A poet prepares the philosophical background or vision of a world—a philosophical framework of how in future things could shape up. A diplomat implements that vision.”

Linguist Dr. Biljana Scott believes the parallels are: curiosity and openness of mind and heart, a sympathetic and creative imagination, skill at matters of redress, and the appreciation that language matters. She emphasizes how skillful handling of ambiguity in language is critical: “In the arts, ambiguity is intended to allow for multiple meanings and multiple interpretations. Constructive ambiguity in diplomacy takes the form of adding a word that is positively connoted to a term that might carry negative overtones, such as: just war, smart and soft power, and enlightened self-interest.”

Ambassador Stefano Baldi, who is a career Italian diplomat, believes that “constructive ambiguity” creates the necessary time and space to change attitudes and reach consensus.

Kumar also thinks the isolation while serving abroad is important; the solitude from one’s homeland and friends is critical to providing writers the distance they need to dive deep, and create meaningful works. And for those who can’t be creative, the ordinary ones, they often succumb to booze.

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The United States remains a curious outlier to this tradition, though with two prominent exceptions, Washington Irving and James Russel Lowell. Both men served as foreign ministers in the 19th Century and both were immensely qualified for the task. I must admit it’s difficult to imagine the author of “Rip Van Winkle” and “Sleepy Hollow” drinking his Spanish vermouth in Madrid or attending a bullfight, but he was a cosmopolitan character, and a wise choice to be Minister to Spain in 1842.

At 59, he was an internationally famous writer fluent in the Spanish language as well as a scholar of Spanish history. In 1828, the Spanish government had invited him and other scholars to explore documents covering the Spanish conquest of the Americas. The result was Irving’s book Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus.

When he arrived in Madrid, Irving’s household goods were held by Spanish customs. Irving was serious about his duties, yet equally earnest about his daily comforts. He wrote angry letters to custom officials, itemizing his belongings, which included: “three barrels of brandy, twelve hundred bottles of wine, one hundred bottles of liqueurs, six dozen packs of playing cards and five thousand cigars.” Daily necessities indeed.

Irving
Washington Irving was a Spanish scholar who served with distinction as the U.S. Minister to Spain.

James Russel Lowell was a poet, scholar and editor of the Atlantic Monthly, and greatly distinguished in his day, though entirely forgotten in our own. He served as minister to Spain from 1877 to 1880 and then minister to Great Britain from 1880 to 1885. Though Lowell was fluent in Spanish, it was the mastery of literary texts and historical documents—he was largely unable to manage everyday conversations. Yet he was a determined man, diligent in his duties and dedicated to learning colloquial Spanish. He described his daily schedule:

“Up at 8; from 9 sometimes till 11 my Spanish professor; at 11 breakfast; at 12 the legation; at 3 home again and a cup of chocolate, then read the paper and write Spanish till a quarter to 7; at 7 dinner, and at 8 a drive in an open carriage in the Prado till 10; to bed at 12 to 1. In cooler weather we drive in the afternoon. I am very well—cheerful and no gout.”

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Proust never became a diplomat, of course, but he models how a sane, human-centered attitude can reframe conflicts between states. During World War I, he despised French chauvinism toward Germany, particularly among French intellectuals and the press. He was critical of composer Saint-Saëns who penned an article denouncing the music of German composers Wagner and Richard Strauss (a fashionable Parisian habit at the time).

He rejected the commonplace slurring of Germans and German culture, writing, “It is true ‘Boche’ does not figure in my vocabulary and things do not seem as clear-cut as they do to some people,” and adding in another letter. “If, instead of fighting a war with Germany, we were fighting one against Russia, what would they have said about Tolstoy and Dostoevsky?”

This is what only a writer could ask, even during the most horrible of circumstances. And today, the Russians can hack elections, assassinate soldiers, blackmail a president (perhaps)—and we must protest—but we must always reaffirm our allegiance, our citizenship to the Russia of Dostoevsky, Babel, Shostakovich, Bulgakov and Baryshnikov.

Like Paul the apostle, the first writer-diplomat, we must declare ourselves “ambassadors in chains” to what makes us human, what makes life worth living, for we are in perilous waters now, back in the same universe Bertolt Brecht described in the 1940s:

Empires collapse.

Gang leaders are strutting about like statesmen. The peoples

Can no longer be seen under all those armaments.

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Robert Fay has written for The Atlantic, The Los Angeles Review of Books and The Chicago Quarterly review.

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DeWitt Planned to Publish ‘Lightning Rods’ Before ‘The Last Samurai’

Helen DeWitt’s struggles with the publishing industry have been well documented. She famously battled the copy editors of her first publisher regarding the correct typesetting of certain passages in her novel The Last Samurai (2000), which had pages of classical Greek and also Japanese characters (hiragana, katakana and kanji).

In a 2016 Vulture profile of DeWitt, Christian Lorentzen documented how the bankruptcy of her first publisher, and the subsequent lawsuits over “accounting errors,” kept her second novel Lightning Rods (2011) from being published for 12 years.

Lightning Rods, finished in July 1999, was then stuck in limbo after her publisher, Talk Miramax, folded,” Lorentzen wrote. “When it did finally appear, from New Directions in 2011, it garnered a legion of devoted readers too young to have read The Last Samurai before it went out of print.”